Acta Securitatae Volynienses

MAIN TRENDS IN THE TRANSFORMATION OF UKRAINE’S STATE REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT POLICY UNDER MARTIAL LAW AND EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

S. O. Bairak — 2025-12-30

The study examines the transformation of Ukraine’s state regional development policy under martial law caused by the full-scale armed aggression of the Russian Federation. It is substantiated that the war has become a catalyst for profound structural changes within the public administration system, emphasizing the need to reconsider the conceptual foundations of regional policy. It is determined that decentralization reforms have created institutional prerequisites for enhancing the adaptability of regions, strengthening their managerial capacity, and mobilizing internal resources under crisis conditions. The mechanisms of interaction between military administrations and local self-government bodies are revealed. Emphasis is placed on the fact that, under wartime conditions, regional policy should serve not only as a tool for economic equalization but also as an instrument of national cohesion, resilience, and strategic recovery. The importance of Ukraine’s European integration course is highlighted, which envisages the implementation of the European Union’s «cohesion policy» principles aimed at ensuring equal opportunities for all regions regardless of their socio-economic status. In this context, it is determined that the modernization of regional policy should be based on the principles of «smart specialization», indicative planning, institutional interaction, and the digitalization of management processes. It is substantiated that an effective post-war regional development strategy should combine state and local governance, ensure broad public participation, develop digital tools for transparency and accountability, and create favorable conditions for investment and entrepreneurship. The conclusions emphasize that the synergy of decentralization, European integration, and local self-organization processes forms the foundation for the sustainable recovery of the state and the strengthening of its competitiveness in the global environment.

NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY OF LITHUANIA IN THE CONDITIONS OF RUSSIAN AGGRESSION IN UKRAINE

T. V. Holdak-Horbachevska — 2025-12-30

The article examines the evolution of Lithuania's national security strategy in the context of Russian military aggression in Ukraine. The main components of countering elements of hybrid warfare, the updated national security strategy, which took into account the growing changes in geopolitical challenges, are analyzed. Threats to sovereignty in the context of war in Eastern Europe are highlighted. Among the new challenges to the security system, disguised military and intelligence assets used by foreign states for potential negative impact on the political system of Lithuania, its military power, law enforcement agencies or socio-economic stability are indicated. Among the risk factors, the stability of the unity of the Euro-Atlantic community is highlighted, which is influenced by processes of a general and regional nature, the activities of third countries that may weaken transatlantic relations, NATO's obligations regarding collective defense, and the ability of the European Union to pursue a common policy. The decisive role in the formation of Lithuania's national security strategy is affirmed by membership in NATO, the EU and military support from the United States. The steps of the Lithuanian authorities towards the implementation of the national security strategy in countering the migration crisis, closing the borders with Russia and Belarus, joining the sanctions against the aggressor, purchasing additional weapons, implementing measures to prepare for the mobilization of the necessary state resources; as well as strengthening cybersecurity, protecting critical infrastructure, countering disinformation and propaganda are analyzed. The article emphasizes the constant and active support for the territorial integrity of Ukraine by providing it with comprehensive assistance in repelling the armed aggression of the Russian Federation. Lithuania lobbies the interests of Ukraine on international platforms, and the implementation of the Lithuanian civil resistance plan, which provides for the creation of a more resilient civil society, as well as determining the role of state institutions in this process, serves as an example for study.

THE PHENOMENON OF SECURITY ASYMMETRY IN THE REALIST PARADIGM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

I. P. Derevianko — 2025-12-30

The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of security asymmetry in the context of the realist paradigm of international relations. The paper substantiates the relevance of the topic, due to the growing instability of the modern international system, the escalation of conflicts of varying intensity and the emergence of new, non-traditional forms of threats. It is shown that security asymmetry is an integral feature of the modern world order, which arises as a result of the uneven distribution of material and non-material resources, differences in the levels of military-technological development, political legitimacy and the ability of states to ensure their own defense and stability. The realist paradigm, with its emphasis on power, national interests and the struggle for survival, is defined as the theoretical basis for interpreting this phenomenon. The study examines the main provisions of the classical and neo-realist approaches, which allow explaining the logic of state behavior in a situation of power inequality, as well as the role of the balance of power and deterrence in maintaining international stability. The practical part of the study is devoted to the influence of security asymmetry on the formation of national and international security strategies. The example of the Russian-Ukrainian war shows that the asymmetry of forces does not necessarily determine the outcome of the conflict: the effective use of flexible strategies, international support, information technologies and internal resilience can compensate for resource inequality. The paper emphasizes that awareness of the nature of security asymmetry contributes to the development of more adaptive, comprehensive and multi-level approaches to security, which take into account both military and political, economic and information factors. The results obtained have both theoretical significance for the development of a realistic paradigm of international relations and practical value for improving strategic thinking in the field of national and global security.

STRENGTHENING GLOBAL SECURITY IN THE 21ST CENTURY: STRATEGIC APPROACHES TO MINIMIZING THE NUCLEAR THREAT

Yu. A. Dovbnia — 2025-12-30

The purpose of the study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of modern strategic approaches to strengthening global security in the 21st century, with an emphasis on minimizing the nuclear threat. The paper examines trends in the development of the international security system, the transformation of the political strategies of leading states, and the role of international institutions in maintaining stability amid growing geopolitical tensions. The research employs methods of systemic, comparative, and structural-functional analysis, which make it possible to identify key patterns in the fields of nuclear disarmament, arms control, and the prevention of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Elements of the institutional approach are also applied to assess the effectiveness of international agreements and cooperation programs in the security domain. The activities of international organizations such as the UN, the IAEA, and NATO in shaping the global arms control system and strengthening the nuclear nonproliferation regime are analyzed. It is demonstrated that strategic interaction among states is based on a combination of diplomatic, legal, and technological mechanisms. It is determined that systems of collective security, the development of monitoring tools, and the establishment of mechanisms of transparency and trust between states play a crucial role in minimizing the nuclear threat. The importance of modern verification technologies, the strengthening of partnerships, and the improvement of the international legal framework in the field of security are emphasized. Enhancing the effectiveness of global security is possible only through the combination of multilateral diplomacy, adherence to international law, and the implementation of innovative approaches to arms control. The further development of interstate partnership, the strengthening of institutional cooperation, and the formation of a culture of trust are identified as key factors in reducing nuclear risks and ensuring stability in the 21st century.

SOFT POWER STRATEGIES OF THE UAE: CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATIONS AND SPECIFIC FEATURES OF IMPLEMENTATION IN THE CONTEXT OF SECURITY CHALLENGES AND THREATS

U. V. Ilnytska — 2025-12-30

The article examines the peculiarities of the formation and transformations of the soft power strategy of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which is determined by regional and global security challenges and threats. The UAE soft power policy is seen as a strategic tool of foreign policy influence and an element of national security in the context of instability, inter-state confrontations, the rise of terrorism, cyber threats and other security challenges. A system of threats and challenges to the regional security architecture of the Persian Gulf has been identified, which, in turn, has influenced the UAE's foreign policy priorities and prompted a transformation of the state's soft power strategies. It explores the essence and theoretical-conceptual foundations of soft power, analyses the mechanisms, institutional frameworks, and key directions of its implementation in the UAE’s policy. The study demonstrates that the contemporary model of UAE soft power integrates cultural, humanitarian, educational, scientific, digital, and environmental diplomacy, combining traditional values with modernization trends. The relevance of the study is due to the growing role of non-military resources of influence in international relations and the rethinking of soft power as a factor in ensuring stability, security, trust, partnership in the context of the challenges of terrorism, regional conflicts, security threats, information and hybrid wars. Special attention is given to the security dimension of UAE policy, within which soft power functions as a humanitarian and communicative tool for security stabilization. The article analyses how the «Soft Power Strategy 2017» transformed soft power UAE into a security resource of state policy. It identifies that the UAE effectively employs a combination of cultural diplomacy, interfaith dialogue, humanitarian assistance, media activity, peacebuilding, and climate diplomacy to strengthen its international image, promote its valuebased agenda. The study concludes that the UAE has developed a unique model of soft power, where security challenges are transformed into security opportunities for development. This model not only enhances the country’s international authority but also demonstrates the ability to integrate humanitarian, cultural, and innovative resources into national security strategy. The experience of the Emirates shows that in the 21st century, soft power becomes not only a symbol of diplomatic attractiveness, but also an effective mechanism for ensuring long-term stability, security and global partnership.

METHOD OF ASSESSING THE LEVEL OF ECONOMIC COMMUNITY AS A COMPONENT OF THE REGION

O. Yu. Korniienko — 2025-12-30

A method for assessing the level of economic security of a community as a component of a region has been proposed and substantiated. It has been determined that the economic security of a community is a state of the community’s economic system that ensures: stable functioning of the economy; the ability to withstand risks (crises, war, inflation, unemployment, etc.); a sufficient level of financial self-sufficiency; and the implementation of the community’s strategic development goals. The main components of the community’s economic security have been identified, including: financial, investment and production, market and entrepreneurial, social and demographic, energy and resource, infrastructural, and environmental security (the economic component). A method for assessing the community’s economic security has been proposed, the implementation algorithm of which includes the following stages: preparatory stage – defining the purpose of the assessment, selecting the system of indicators, and determining data sources; data collection – using community statistical reports and other statistical sources; normalization of indicators – bringing indicators to a unified scale (0–1 or 0–100 points); calculation of the integral indicator – combining partial indicators into a general level of economic security;interpretation of results – determining the level of security: critical, low, medium, sufficient, or high. This approach allows for a comprehensive assessment of the current state of the community, identification of internal imbalances and external threats, and determination of its capacity for sustainable development. A hierarchical structure for assessing the level of economic security of a region based on its communities has been presented. To calculate the economic security index, two models are proposed: additive and multiplicative. The additive model assumes that high values of some indicators can compensate for low values of others. That is, a community may have a weak social sector, but high financial indicators may «pull up» the overall index. The multiplicative model is characterized by the fact that a low value of one indicator significantly reduces the overall index. In other words, if one area is in a critical condition, the overall level of economic security sharply declines, even with good results in other areas. The multiplicative model is more complex but more realistic, as it takes into account the interdependence of elements and is more sensitive to weaknesses. The expediency of using both the additive and multiplicative models has been proven: if a community has balanced development, the additive model can be used; if the goal is to identify «vulnerable points», it is advisable to apply the multiplicative model.

SOCIO-POLITICAL ASPECTS OF NATIONAL RESILIENCE AS A COMPONENT OF NATIONAL SECURITY

V. V. Liubchuk — 2025-12-30

The article articulates the concept of national stability as a component of Ukraine's national security. The concepts of «national sustainability», «resilience» and «social sustainability» are considered. To maintain an effective national resilience system, it is necessary to adhere to such criteria as: reliability, redundancy/redundancy, adaptability, responsiveness, recovery. Important factors of the national resilience system are the interaction of the external and internal environment. The internal environment refers to the activities of government bodies and civil society institutions in Ukraine, while the external environment includes the influences of other partner states and European and world organizations. For the consistent implementation of the construct of national resilience in Ukraine, the Concept of the National Resilience System has been created, which provides for legal mechanisms for the implementation of national resilience at various levels: from the state to territorial communities, as well as cooperation with NATO. The Concept specifies which state authorities and local governments should implement measures related to national resilience. The perception of national resilience and the implementation of its components are presented through the prism of sociological research by various sociological organizations. In particular, the idea of creating a Government of National Unity was supported by almost 50% of respondents. Trust in the main state structures and important political figures who contribute to national stability is also quite high, in particular, support for the Armed Forces of Ukraine is at the level of 94%, the President of Ukraine is 65%, and Commander-in-Chief O. Syrskyi is 55%. In general, national resilience is an important component of national security, as its effective formation at various levels ensures an optimal response to challenges and threats both within the country and beyond its borders.

UKRAINIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY IN CONDITIONS OF WAR

Roman Stanislavovych Martyniuk — 2025-12-30

The Russian large-scale armed aggression against Ukraine has unprecedentedly strengthened the importance of national identity as one of the most important factors of national stability. It is identity that has become the basis on which the ability of Ukrainians to long-term, nationwide and consolidated resistance was formed. The study of Ukrainian national identity allows us to understand how deep values, common historical narratives and ideas about the nation were transformed into the practical force of national resistance, and at the same time, how the war transformed Ukrainian national identity itself. The war not only posed extremely difficult challenges to the Ukrainian nation, but also gave a powerful impetus to the strengthening and development of modern Ukrainian national identity, its modernization and integration into broader European and world contexts. During the war, Ukrainian national identity underwent profound changes. These changes affected the self-awareness of citizens, their system of values, models of collective behavior and ideas about the future of the state. In this context, Ukrainian national identity appears not only as a cultural or historical, but also as a socio-political phenomenon, which is actively formed under the influence of existential threats. The article analyzes the determining factors of strengthening and development of Ukrainian national identity: the consolidation of society around the common goal of protecting statehood, a sharp increase in trust in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, a large-scale volunteer movement, a rethinking of narratives of historical memory, a massive return of interest in the Ukrainian language, culture and symbolics. The national resistance, during which Ukrainian society actively builds its own subjectivity through distancing itself from the society of the aggressor state, strengthening the pro-European and democratic vectors of its development, is of particular importance in the process of forming modern Ukrainian national identity.

EDUCATIONAL WARGAMING AT THE TACTICAL LEVEL AS A COMPONENT OF THE COMBAT CAPABILITY OF THE SECURITY AND DEFENSE FORCES OF UKRAINE

O. O. Mikhin — 2025-12-30

In the context of large-scale armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the urgent task is to study effective methods of training military specialists as a component of increasing the combat capability of the security and defense forces of Ukraine in accordance with modern realities. The article is devoted to the analysis of ways to implement the use of the potential of war games (hereinafter referred to as wargaming) and prepare for the challenges of the future, so that the defense community can revive and expand educational wargaming at the tactical level. Wargaming should regain its historical position as an important educational tool for all types and branches of the military in increasing combat capability. But this article is not an argument in favor of any one war game or technology. On the contrary, we believe that for the success of joint educational wargaming, the Ministry of Defense should go the way of creating a special educational wargaming fund and promote the development of various wargaming models or platforms and introduce new technologies to use the latest approaches in enhancing the combat capability of units, creating conditions for intensive and high-quality training of military personnel at the tactical level. As a result, wargames can be one of the key elements of the educational process of military personnel training, but they cannot be the only element. At the same time, no form of wargame can satisfy all needs. Therefore, according to the authors: wargames with a high level of personnel involvement are needed to help decision-makers experience interaction with other units, as well as the emotional and psychological consequences of this interaction; tools are needed so that players can see (and even change) how elements of game models work to translate decisions into effects and events, to calibrate both these models and the understanding that players gain from them, as well as the game process itself; computer games are needed so that it is easy to record, replay, and reflect on experiences, which will help us develop «healthy» approaches to solving uncertain and complex situations. The above problems are unresolved, so they require a broader study of the features and prospects of educational wargaming at the tactical level.

EXPERIENCE OF LEGAL SUPPORT FOR THE FORMATION OF A COUNTERINTELLIGENCE REGIME IN THE USA AND THE POSSIBILITIES OF ITS USE IN UKRAINE

M. S. Romanov — 2025-12-30

In order to study the foreign experience of legal support for the formation of a counterintelligence regime and the possible implementation of its individual elements into the legislation of Ukraine, the article analyzes the provisions of US legislative acts on security issues, in particular, regulatory legal acts that concern the creation of conditions for combating terrorism, as well as the established procedure for the entry of foreigners into that country, their stay and activities on its territory. As a result, it was found that in the USA, compared to Ukraine, the specified procedure, which is an important element of the counterintelligence regime system, is stricter, despite the more favorable operational environment in the USA, and the conditions for combating terrorism are more in line with modern challenges. In this regard, taking into account the current situation in Ukraine, related to the large-scale aggression of the Russian Federation, the need to use the experience of the USA to strengthen the counterintelligence regime in Ukraine is justified. In particular, it is proposed to implement into domestic legislation certain provisions of regulatory legal acts that relate to the procedure established in the USA for the entry of foreigners into the country, their stay, as well as defining the legal status in the USA of so-called foreign agents.

IMPLEMENTATION OF IMMERSIVE TECHNOLOGIES IN THE TRAINING OF SPECIALISTS FOR THE SECURITY AND DEFENSE INDUSTRY

I. Yu. Sekliy — 2025-12-30

The article investigates the application of immersive technologies, namely virtual reality (VR), augmented reality (AR), and mixed reality (MR), in the field of security and defense of Ukraine. In the current conditions of increasing threats to national security, particularly due to hybrid conflicts and innovative forms of warfare, there is an urgent need to implement effective technological solutions to improve the quality of training specialists who ensure the state's security. Special attention is paid to the educational field «Security and Defense», which is designed to prepare highly qualified specialists capable of operating in unstable conditions, quickly adapting to new challenges, and making operational decisions in critical situations. The study analyzes the current state of development of immersive technologies worldwide and identifies key directions for their implementation in the military, law enforcement, medical, and civilian security sectors. It provides a classification of VR, AR, and MR technologies, examines their functions, features of application, technical capabilities, and main advantages compared to traditional training methods. In particular, it highlights the possibility of creating realistic training environments that allow modeling dangerous and extreme situations without risking the lives of participants in the educational process. The work presents an overview of leading global and domestic platforms, software solutions, and hardware tools used for simulating hazardous situations, as well as analyzes examples of successful use of such technologies in various countries. The role of state support, scientific research, and the development of the IT industry in Ukraine, which create conditions for the introduction of innovations in the security and defense sector, is emphasized. Special attention is given to the research methodology, which is based on a comprehensive interdisciplinary approach, including the analysis of the regulatory and legal framework, content analysis of modern scientific and technical publications, as well as a comparative analysis of the experience of leading countries in the field of immersive technologies. The article contains practical recommendations for integrating VR/AR technologies into training programs for security and defense specialists, emphasizing the importance of digital transformation in shaping a new quality of education and training. Thus, the study makes a significant contribution to the development of theoretical and applied aspects of the use of digital immersive technologies in the context of Ukraine's national security. The strategic importance of implementing such innovations is identified to enhance the operational readiness, professional competence, and adaptability of specialists in the field of security and defense, which overall contributes to strengthening the state's defense capability in complex modern conditions.

THE IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ASSISTANCE ON THE NATIONAL SECURITY SYSTEM OF UKRAINE

A. M. Tymchyshyn — 2025-12-30

The article provides a comprehensive scientific and legal analysis of the impact of international security assistance on the functioning and transformation of Ukraine’s national security system under the conditions of the full-scale armed aggression of the Russian Federation. It is substantiated that, in the current circumstances, international security assistance has ceased to be a merely auxiliary external factor and has acquired a system-forming significance, becoming integrated into the internal architecture of the state’s national security. It is demonstrated that international security assistance encompasses a wide range of measures, including the supply of modern weapons and military equipment, personnel training, intelligence sharing, financial support for the defense budget, as well as advisory support for reforms in the security and defense sector. The study proves that after 2022 the nature of such assistance underwent a qualitative transformation – from limited, predominantly defensive support to the systematic provision of heavy weaponry, high-technology systems, air defense assets, and the involvement of partner states in the long-term planning of Ukraine’s defense capabilities. Particular attention is devoted to the role of NATO and multilateral coordination mechanisms in the process of institutionalizing international security assistance, as well as to the impact of this assistance on security sector reform, the development of democratic civilian control, the enhancement of interoperability between the Armed Forces of Ukraine and NATO structures, and the strengthening of good governance and anti-corruption safeguards. It is argued that international assistance has become a significant catalyst for the development of Ukraine’s domestic defense industry, contributing to the establishment of joint production mechanisms and the integration of Ukraine into global defense-industrial value chains. At the same time, the article analyzes the key risks associated with dependence on external security support, including the political conditionality of assistance, logistical and operational challenges, as well as psychological and information-propaganda threats. The conclusion is drawn that the effectiveness of international security assistance directly depends on Ukraine’s ability to transform it from a temporary compensatory resource into a factor of long-term self-sufficiency and resilience of the national security system.

DEFENSE COOPERATION BETWEEN THE USA AND ISRAEL AT THE MODERN STAGE

I. V. Tykhonenko — 2025-12-30

The article attempts to analyze defense cooperation between the United States and Israel at the present stage. In particular, the emphasis is placed on the chronological period from 2019 to 2025, which is determined by the intensification of American foreign policy initiatives in the security sphere regarding the Middle East and Israel directly. The authors study defense cooperation between the United States and Israel taking into account the methods of defense diplomacy, in particular in the following dimensions: political dialogue, military-strategic cooperation, joint military exercises and training, defense planning and strategic communications, intelligence sharing and cyber defense, educational and scientific cooperation in the defense sector, civil-military and humanitarian spheres. Particular attention is paid to the impact of the Memorandum of Understanding for 2019–2028, which established the financial aspects and strategic goals of the US military assistance to Israel, contributed to the modernization of weapons and increased technological compatibility of the armed forces of two states. Attention is also focused on the modernization of civil-military cooperation between the states, taking into account the peace plan for Gaza proposed by D. Trump in September 2025. At the same time, the issues due to the humanity of the use of American aid in conflict situations and the need to monitor and assess the effectiveness of such support are considered. The high level of institutional cooperation between the leading defense departments and military structures of the states is noted, which is embodied in a number of practical activities (military exercises «Noble Dina» and «Juniper Falcon», integration of the anti-missile defense systems «Iron Dome» and THAAD, the «Cyber Iron Dome» program). The authors concluded that the comprehensive partnership between the United States and Israel provides a strategic advantage for both states in the region, contributes to stability, and deters threats in the Middle East (Iran and the terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah), which has been manifested in practical defense cooperation under both the Trump and Biden administrations.

ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND NATIONAL SECURITY: ANALYSIS OF MUTUAL INFLUENCE

N. M. Khoma — 2025-12-30

This article examines the interplay between AI and national security. It argues that AI can both strengthen the stability of security systems and create new challenges for them. It is also noted that threats to national security generate demand from states and other interested parties for technological solutions based on machine intelligence. The following three tasks are set: (1) determining how AI serves security purposes at its current stage of development; (2) identifying how AI can undermine national security; (3) examining how modern states approach the use of AI in national security. Examining the connection between AI and national security reveals that a new security mindset is emerging, in which AI is gradually becoming a strategic factor. The author argues that machine intelligence can strengthen the state's resilience in areas such as defence, intelligence, cybersecurity, crisis management and critical infrastructure protection. The high level of automation, analytics, and adaptability inherent in AI significantly expands the range of tools available for ensuring national security. However, the author notes that the rapid and insufficiently controlled development of AI may create new security threats. She emphasises the growing risk that AI technologies may exceed the scope of state control or fall under the control of hostile actors. The importance of national security policy guiding the constructive development of AI was stressed, as this will ensure a balance between innovation and control. The importance of the following is emphasised: (1) the adoption of a regulatory framework for AI in areas of strategic interest to the state, and (2) the creation of an institutional environment for monitoring the integration of AI into the sphere of national security.

THE DYNAMICS OF LEGITIMACY DURING WAR: CIVIL SOCIETY AS AN INSTITUTIONAL COMPENSATOR AND THE POLITICAL RISKS OF POST-WAR DESIGN

O. O. Bezruk — 2026-01-07

The full-scale invasion by Russia against Ukraine has caused a dynamic shift in the understanding of the legitimacy of public authority institutions, revealing the limitations of traditional rational-legal and performative approaches. The study's relevance stems from the qualitative transformation of the political system's sources of support during an extreme crisis, where socio-cultural determinants and axiological congruence acquire decisive importance. The article's purpose is a comprehensive political and institutional analysis of the dynamics of legitimacy under martial law, carried out through the prism of the role of civil society and informal institutionalization. The theoretical framework is based on the synthesis of classical political science concepts (M. Weber, D. Easton, T. Parsons, J. Habermas) and the phenomenological approach (P. Berger, T. Luckmann) to conceptualize legitimacy as a dynamic socio-cultural construct. The key findings are as follows: amidst functional deficits and limitations of democratic procedures, legitimacy is maintained through the hybridization of Weberian types (particularly charismatic) and the shift of trust to institutions embodying the «national-cultural code» of resistance (the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU), the volunteer movement). Civil society is thus conceptualized as an informal institutional compensator that effectively addresses public administration deficits (specific support, «outputs») and critically maintains the system's diffuse support through communication and the formation of axiological solidarity («inputs»). A key political risk for post-war design is identified, crystallizing in the risk of an institutional gap – a structural disconnection between highly trusted informal actors and overburdened/unreformed formal state institutions. This gap threatens structural dysfunction and disintegration of socio-political relations following a decrease in charismatic legitimacy. The article proposes political and institutional recommendations for the strategic harmonization of high axiological legitimacy with rational-legal accountability. These include the institutionalization of civil society's social capital and the reform of «output» institutions through digital transparency to ensure sustainable legitimacy in the post-war period.

PARTICIPATION OF THE ZAPOROZHIAN COSSACKS IN THE CONQUEST OF THE LUHANSK REGION

A. S. Benitskiy — 2025-12-30

It has been established that thanks to the Zaporozhian Cossacks, Cossack communities were formed in the middle reaches of the Seversky Donets. It is indicated that from the second half of the 16th century this area was occupied by the Zaporozhians, who had their estates there and controlled the embassy and trade routes through the Seversky Donets to the Moscow Kingdom, Crimea and Azov. It is noted that in the 1570s the Moscow government tried to create a guard and village service in the area of the middle reaches of the Seversky Donets, but the Moscow servicemen of the Bakhmut and Aidar guards were subjected to constant attacks from the Crimean Tatars and detachments of the Zaporozhians. At the end of the 1580s these guards ceased to exist. It is noted that at the end of the 16th century, the Zaporozhian Cossacks, together with refugees from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Moscow Kingdom, formed Cossack communities on the left bank of the Seversky Donets River, which were called «Donetsk». It is established that in the second half of the 17th century, the Donetsk Cossacks were subordinate to the center of the Don army – Cherkasy town, but during the Bulavin uprising in 1707–1709, most of the Donetsk Cossack towns were destroyed by punitive detachments of the Moscow army. It is concluded that in the 18th century, on the right bank of the Seversky Donets River in the upper reaches of the Mius River, there were Zaporozhian winter camps, which were subordinate to the Kalmius palanquin of the Zaporozhian army. It is noted that some of the settlements in the Luhansk River basin in the 18th century, were probably formed by the Zaporozhians, who set up their farms there, in particular, the village of Makariv Yar and others. Attention is drawn to the customs of the Zaporozhian Sich regarding the fate of winterers after the death of their owners. It is assumed that the military settlement – Verhunsky shansh in Slavyanoserbiya arose due to the name of the hussar custom of recruiting those willing to serve in the hussar service, namely, the word «verbunka».

THE CONCEPT AND ROLE OF IDEOLOGY IN THE POLITICAL LIFE OF SOCIETY

Ye. O. Voloshyn — 2025-12-30

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon of political ideology as a key element of political life in society. It examines the evolution of the concept of «ideology» from its original scientific meaning to its modern understanding as a system of conceptually formulated political views, ideas and values. The main theoretical approaches to the study of ideology are analysed, in particular the Marxist concept, the axiological approach, psychoanalytic theory, the sociological concept, and theories of deideologisation and reideologisation. It is determined that political ideology is a hierarchically structured system of political values that forms the core of political culture and motivates political behaviour. The functions of political ideology are identified and studied: integrative (uniting society around common values), orientational (forming political consciousness), legitimising (justifying power), mobilising (encouraging collective action). The structure of ideology is analysed. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between ideology and political parties as the main carriers of ideological doctrines. It is argued that ideology forms the basis of party life and distinguishes parties from other social organisations. The role of ideology in shaping political consciousness, consolidating society and justifying political decisions, especially in times of crisis and during elections, is examined. The importance of ideological pluralism for the functioning of democracy is emphasised. The dangers of excessive ideologisation (the emergence of totalitarianism) and complete de-ideologisation (political apathy) are analysed. Contemporary trends in the functioning of ideology in the information society and the role of the mass media in the dissemination of ideological messages are examined. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach, which allowed us to consider political ideology as a holistic phenomenon in the context of its interaction with other elements of the political system. The historical method was used to analyse the evolution of the concept of «ideology» and the main theoretical concepts. The synthesis method allowed us to generalise the various theoretical developments of classical and contemporary researchers and formulate comprehensive conclusions.

POLICY OF «STRATEGIC NEUTRALITY» TOWARDS INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT FOR UKRAINE: THE REACTION OF THE COUNTRIES OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA TO THE FULLSCALE WAR

О. V. Dydyk — 2025-12-30

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the essence, factors, and geopolitical consequences of the policy of «strategic neutrality» of the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) regarding international support for Ukraine. It has been proven that this position is not a temporary maneuver, but a deeply rational and differentiated hedging strategy, which seeks to strengthen their role as political actors and distance themselves from the logic of the Western bloc confrontation. This course adopted by the BSPA countries is also a direct consequence of the Kremlin's many years of efforts to restore the status of a regional mediator and maintain ideological closeness with local autocracies. The study focuses on the bifurcating impact of the war, which caused the food crisis, but at the same time opened up strategic opportunities: the use of energy leverage (OPEC+) and the functional transformation of a number of states (UAE, Turkey) into hubs to circumvent international sanctions. Key factors of neutrality include: the priority of regional threats (the Iranian factor), economic benefit, and the ideological factor of the «double standards» of the West. Special attention is paid to the fact that the Persian Gulf monarchies (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar) have turned their neutrality into a «positive» soft power tool, providing significant financial assistance and successfully mediating the prisoner exchange process, thereby increasing their global legitimacy. It was established that the MENA's neutrality is a sign of the transition to a multipolar world and paradoxically did not stop the export of the Russian-Ukrainian confrontation to North Africa (the activities of the PMC «Wagner»/«African Corps»). Based on the analysis of four key scenarios (economic involvement, political conversion, geostrategic partnership, diplomatic dividends), practical recommendations were developed. Thus, the strategic position of the MENA countries requires innovative political, diplomatic, and economic solutions from Ukraine, which should transform the appeal to values into specific, mutually beneficial security and economic proposals, which is the only effective way to transform their pragmatic neutrality into sustainable international support.

FEATURES OF INTERINSTITUTIONAL COOPERATION BETWEEN UKRAINE AND THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND IN 2014–2024

Yu. S. Dmytruk — 2025-12-30

The article analyzes the specific features of interinstitutional cooperation between Ukraine and the Republic of Poland during the period of 2014–2024, against the backdrop of significant transformations in the security, political, and historical dimensions of bilateral relations. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of cooperation formats following the outbreak of the Russian- Ukrainian war, which acted as a catalyst for shifting the priorities of both states toward enhanced political and military-defense coordination. It is established that a number of humanitarian and historical formats initiated in previous decades have lost their relevance or ceased functioning, primarily due to political changes in Poland and the intensification of sensitive issues related to historical memory. In this context, the functioning of the Consultative Committee of the Presidents of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland emerges as a key element. This committee has proven to be an effective and stable platform for high-level interstate political dialogue. Through regular meetings and a high level of representation, the committee has contributed not only to preserving strategic partnership but also to developing new directions of bilateral cooperation, particularly in cross-border collaboration, energy, defense cooperation, and post-war reconstruction of Ukraine. The study emphasizes that the effectiveness of interinstitutional cooperation depends on the ability to adapt to emerging challenges while maintaining continuity in political dialogue. The Consultative Committee serves both as a political and advisory body and as a catalyst for institutionalizing joint initiatives aimed at strengthening trust, ensuring security, and facilitating Ukraine’s integration into the European space. The article outlines the prospects for further development of interinstitutional mechanisms as the foundation for a long-term and mutually beneficial partnership between Ukraine and Poland amid ongoing war and the post-war transformation of the region.

A STUDY OF THE POLITICAL ANALYSIS OF ANATOLY KAMINSKI IN THE CONTEXT OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR

I. Z. Dutsiak — 2025-12-30

The purpose of the study is to identify Anatol Kaminsky’s ideas that may be useful in the modern discourse of the Russian-Ukrainian war that began in 2014. As a result of the study, the following main ideas were revealed, with which he predicted in the 1970s of the twentieth century how the Russian Empire (in its Soviet form) was collapsed in the 80s of this century. According to A. Kaminsky, it was first necessary to force the Central Committee of the CPSU to abandon economic and political totalitarianism. This was achieved by the combination of three factors that led to the economic collapse of the USSR: the Afghan war, the arms race started by Ronald Reagan, and the fall in oil prices. The economic collapse of the USSR made peaceful revolutions possible, which led to the separation of some colonies from the empire in the early 1990s of the twentieth century. Based on the ideas of Anatoly Kaminsky, the following conclusions can be drawn. If we turn to the analysis of the course of the modern Muscovite-Ukrainian war, which began in 2014, the experience of the collapse of the USSR in 1991 confirms the expediency of ending the war by achieving the economic collapse of the Muscovite empire under its modern name «Russian Federation». The modern Muscovite empire (under the name «Russian Federation») holds many colonies under its rule, so reducing its size, depriving it of the resources that it draws from its colonies would lead to the emergence of a smaller country, but such a country, no longer being an empire, could recover and seek directions for its development not in armed expansion against the whole world, but in scientific, technical, economic, cultural progress and increasing the well-being of its citizens. At the same time, in modern conditions, the sooner the war ends, the more important it is to end it, given that the longer the war lasts, the longer the process of the Muscovite empire using assistance from the PRC will last, which will inevitably be accompanied by the increasing dependence of the Russian Federation on China. It is obvious that it is better for a number of independent countries to emerge on the territory of the Russian Federation than for China to gradually swallow up these territories, whose behavior in the absence of effective counterweights may become unpredictable.

CHANGES IN THE ENERGY POLICIES OF EU CANDIDATE COUNTRIES: ANALYSIS OF CASES IN THE WESTERN BALKANS

O. А. Korobkova — 2025-12-30

Changes to the energy policies of EU candidate countries in the Western Balkans have been analysed. Three areas of change in these countries' energy policies have been identified: 1) the liberalisation of electricity and gas markets, 2) the development of renewable energy sources, and 3) integration with the EU energy system. It is noted that meeting EU decarbonisation requirements is problematic due to these countries' continued reliance on fossil fuels. The Western Balkan countries are reforming their energy sectors at different speeds, with varying degrees of dependence on hydrocarbon energy sources and Russian energy supplies, and thus have different starting conditions for synchronisation with the EU's energy and climate policy. Albania, Montenegro and North Macedonia are performing better than Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia. The high proportion of coal-fired power generation, especially in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, poses a significant challenge to the transition to a carbon-free economy. The efforts of EU institutions to provide Western Balkan countries with access to financial instruments for developing renewable energy sources, modernising infrastructure and improving energy efficiency are highlighted. The geopolitical nature of energy in the Western Balkans region was emphasised. Dependence on Russian energy imports, as well as Chinese financing of coal and infrastructure projects, creates competition between the EU, Russia and China. According to the author, changes in energy policy in the Western Balkan states are shaping not only the region's new energy architecture, but also testing the EU's ability to influence other states through soft power reforms.

STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION IN UKRAINE’S INFORMATION WARFARE

Maryna Mykhailivna Naumenko — 2025-12-30

Information has become a decisive strategic resource in modern international relations, transforming power competition and national security paradigms. Hybrid aggression launched by the Russian Federation against Ukraine since 2014 has demonstrated how manipulation of information seeks to undermine democratic governance, destroy national cohesion, and weaken support for international alliances. In this context, strategic communication has become a crucial instrument of democratic defence, ensuring the protection of information sovereignty, resilience of citizens, and effectiveness of crisis governance. This article examines the evolution of Ukraine’s strategic communication system during 2014– 2025, identifying transformations in institutional coordination, public messaging, media literacy initiatives, and international partnerships. Special attention is paid to the theoretical debate between «information warfare» and «public diplomacy», highlighting the risks of reducing communication to militarized messaging that treats audiences as targets rather than citizens. The findings demonstrate that Ukraine is shaping a new model of communication for democracies under attack: combining security measures with transparency, dialogue, and public engagement. The methodological basis of the study includes content analysis of official communication strategies, international reports, and academic discourse, supplemented by the examination of practical initiatives implemented during wartime. This approach allows for a comprehensive assessment of how strategic communication contributes to national resilience, counters disinformation, and builds trust in public institutions. The article also defines key challenges for the next stage of Ukraine’s recovery, including the need to balance operational secrecy with public accountability, to improve coordination among state and civil actors, and to integrate strategic communication into long-term democratic development. Ultimately, the research argues that Ukraine’s experience forms an important reference for strengthening strategic communications of states facing external aggression and hybrid threats.

THE STATE OF SCHOLARLY RESEARCH ON POLITICAL PARTIES IN UKRAINE: THE REGIONAL ASPECT

O. Yu. Polishchuk — 2025-12-30

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the state of research on political parties in Ukraine, taking into account the regional dimension of their functioning. The author outlines the main theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of parties and party systems in contemporary political science, summarizing the contributions of both foreign and domestic scholars – from classical theorists of party organization (M. Weber, M. Duverger, G. Sartori) to modern Ukrainian researchers (Yu. Shveda, I. Monolatii, O. Lytvynenko, M. Karmazina, Yu. Ostapets, among others). Particular attention is devoted to the issues of genesis, typology, and functional characteristics of regional political parties, as well as to the concept of the multilevel party as an analytical framework for examining the internal dynamics of party organizations within the context of decentralization. The article highlights the contribution of Ukrainian research institutions – the I.F. Kuras Institute of Political and Ethnic Studies, the Oleksandr Razumkov Ukrainian Centre for Economic and Political Studies, and the National Institute for Strategic Studies – to the exploration of regional aspects of party development. A separate section focuses on the processes of nationalization and regionalization of Ukraine’s party system and the application of quantitative indicators (such as the Mainwaring – Jones Party Nationalization Index, the Laakso – Taagepera index of the effective number of electoral and parliamentary parties, and the Gallagher index of disproportionality) for assessing electoral dynamics. The author concludes that Ukraine’s party landscape remains characterized by a considerable degree of regional differentiation, which underscores the necessity for further research into the interplay between regional political elites, party structures, and the processes of decentralization.

PRINCIPLES OF EFFECTIVE POLITICAL MEDIATION IN THE CONTEXT OF TODAY’S CHALLENGES

K. Yu. Prymakov — 2025-12-30

The essence of the principles of effective political mediation in the context of today’s challenges is revealed. It is proven that effective political mediation is based on a number of key principles that promote a joint and constructive approach to conflict resolution, guarantee that all interested parties are given a fair opportunity to participate in the mediation process, and the process itself meets the general goals of public policy. The features of the application of the key principles of political mediation are determined. In particular, it is noted that neutrality guarantees a fair treatment of all points of view; impartiality emphasizes the mediator’s commitment to justice in the mediation process, the desire to avoid favoritism, encouraging open communication between interested parties; voluntariness emphasizes that no one can force the parties to resolve the conflict through mediation if they do not want to, contributes to a sense of freedom of action, allowing participants to enter into negotiations with the intention of jointly finding a solution to the conflict situation; confidentiality promotes open communication between interested parties, protects the parties from media speculation and prevents selfish intentions of interested parties that may cause obstacles in the mediation process, and free will means that when resolving a dispute through mediation, the parties should act in accordance with their beliefs and interests and not succumb to any attempts at external coercion; inclusiveness and fairness emphasize that the parties should be able to express their concerns and contribute to the discussion, promote a sense of responsibility and commitment to the decisions and proposals developed during the mediation, increasing legitimacy and sustainability; equality of the parties means the absence of privileges and restrictions on the parties. Important principles of political mediation also include active listening, effective communication and a focus on reaching a mutually acceptable solution.

FOREIGN SCHOLARLY DISCOURSE ON THE FUNCTIONING OF POLITICAL PARTIES

Yu. Yu. Fedchyk — 2025-12-30

The development of the theory of political parties at different historical stages has been accompanied by the search for effective and rational mechanisms for transforming private interests into public, societal ones. This dilemma concerns not only the external function of parties as instruments of representation but also their internal organization and the interaction among their members. It is within party life that the complex process of reconciling diverse positions takes place, ensuring the transition from a multiplicity of individual or group aspirations to the formation of a unified political will that can be legitimately presented to society. In this sense, party organization emerges as a kind of laboratory where the private is transformed into the public, and the mechanisms of interaction determine the party’s ability to fulfill its key function – serving as a channel between citizens’ interests and the public sphere of politics. The evolution of party theory is closely intertwined with the development of fundamental philosophical and political concepts. At the early stages of its formation, the theory of the social contract served as a primary reference point, shaping the idea of legitimacy of power as the result of reconciling citizens’ interests. With the spread of democratic ideas, parties increasingly came to be viewed as institutions designed to ensure citizens’ participation in the political process and to transform their individual aspirations into collective will. An important milestone was the integration of the theory of interest groups, which emphasized the role of parties as mechanisms for reconciling and representing various social and economic communities. Their effectiveness began to be defined by the ability to balance multiple private interests and to formulate broadly significant political programs. Thus, the history of party theory reflects broader intellectual processes – from the search for legitimacy of power through the social contract to modern concepts of democracy, pluralism, and civil society. Within this framework, political parties appear as key institutions that provide communication between the private and the public, between individual interest and the common good.

LANGUAGE ISSUE IN UKRAINE: CONFLICTS AND WAYS TO RESOLVE THEM

A. M. Shapovalova — 2025-12-30

The article analyzes key conflicts related to the language issue in Ukraine after 2019, when the status of the Ukrainian language as the state language was systematically strengthened. The legal and sociolinguistic consequences of the adoption of the Law «On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language» (2019) and the subsequent Law «On National Minorities (Communities) of Ukraine» (2022/2023) are studied in the context of European integration requirements and large-scale military aggression of the Russian Federation. Particular attention is paid to geopolitical cases, in particular, disputes with neighboring states – Hungary and Romania, which instrumentalize the language issue to achieve their own political goals. The study shows that the language policy of Ukraine is a complex system that was formed over the centuries under the influence of imperial domination. Modern Ukrainization is a natural response to these historical challenges and is aimed at establishing the Ukrainian language as a key factor in national unity and security. However, this policy should take into account international standards for the protection of national minority rights, which is critical for European integration. The different approaches of neighboring states to Ukrainian language legislation are analyzed: from the harsh and consistently negative reaction of Hungary, which uses the language issue as a lever of pressure, to the more constructive approach of Romania. The recommendations of the Venice Commission are considered, which calls on Ukraine to adhere to the principle of non-discrimination and ensure a balance between the legitimate goal of decolonization and minority rights. Specific strategic mechanisms are proposed to address these problems, in particular: extending the transitional period for the implementation of laws, revising translation requirements, specific cooperation with countries, and studying the experience of European multilingual regions, such as the Basque Country.